Shatapatha Brahmana

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The Shatapatha Brahmana (or 'Satapatha Brahmana', Sanskrit शतपथब्राह्मण, meaning 'Brāhmaṇa of one hundred paths', abbreviated to 'SB')[1] is a commentary on the Śukla (white) Yajurveda. Described as the most complete, systematic, and important of the Brahmanas[2] (commentaries on the Vedas), it contains detailed explanations of Vedic sacrificial rituals, symbolism, and mythology.

Particularly in its description of sacrificial rituals (including construction of complex fire-altars), the Shatapatha Brahmana (SB) provides scientific knowledge of geometry (e.g. calculations of Pi and the equivalent of the Pythagorean theorem) and observational astronomy (e.g. planetary distances and the assertion that the Earth is circular) from the Vedic period.

The Shatapatha Brahmana is also considered to be significant in the development of Vaishnavism as the origin of several Puranic legends and avatars of the RigVedic god Vishnu. Notably, all of them (Matsya, Kurma, Varaha, Narasimha, and Vamana) are listed as the first five avatars in the Dashavatara (the ten principal avatars of Vishnu).

There are two versions (recensions) available of this text. They are the Madhyandina recension and the Kanva recension. This article focuses exclusively on the Madhyandina version of the Shatapatha Brahmana.


The 'Shatapatha Brahmana' (Sanskrit शतपथब्राह्मण) can be loosely translated as 'Brahmana of one hundred paths':

  • 'Brahmana' (Sanskrit ब्राह्मण) means 'explanations of sacred knowledge or doctrine'.[3][4]
  • 'Shatapatha' (Sanskrit शतपथ) means 'having a hundred paths' or 'proceeding in a hundred ways'.[5]

Kanda and Adhyâya[edit]

  • 'Kanda' (or 'Khanda', Sanskrit खंड), means 'chapter', 'division of a book', or more loosely 'book'. It also means 'praise' and 'water'.[6]
  • 'Adhyâya' (Sanskrit अध्याय), means 'chapter' (of a book), 'lesson', 'reading' and 'lecture'.[7]

In relation to the Satapatha Brahmana, a reference such as '14.1.2' means 'Kanda 14, Adhyaya 1, Brahmana 2', or in English, 'Book 14, Chapter 1, Explanation 2'. The addition of a fourth digit at the end (e.g. refers to the verse number.

Date of Origin[edit]

S.C. Kak states that a 'conservative chronology places the final form of the Satapatha Brahmana to 1000-800 B.C.E... [although on] the other hand, it is accepted that the myths described in the Vedas and the Brahmanas deal with astronomical events of the 4th millennium [i.e. 3,000] B.C.E. and earlier'. According to Kak, the Satapatha Brahmana itself contains astronomical references dated by academics such as Professor P.C. Sengupta 'to c. 2100 B.C.E', and references the drying up of the Sarasvati river, believed to have occurred around 1900 B.C.E:[8]

<poem style="font-style:italic;text-align:left" lang="en">tarhi videgho māthava āsa | sarasvatyāṃ sa tata eva prāṅdahannabhīyāyemām pṛthivīṃ taṃ gotamaśca rāhūgaṇo videghaśca māthavaḥ paścāddahantamanvīyatuḥ sa imāḥ sarvā nadīratidadāha sadānīretyuttarādgirernirghāvati tāṃ haiva nātidadāha tāṃ ha sma tām purā brāhmaṇā na tarantyanatidagdhāgninā vaiśvānareṇeti</poem> <poem>Mâthava, the Videgha, was at that time on the (river) Sarasvatî. He (Agni) thence went burning along this earth towards the east; and Gotama Râhûgana and the Videgha Mâthava followed after him as he was burning along. He burnt over (dried up) all these rivers. Now that (river), which is called 'Sadânîrâ,' flows from the northern (Himâlaya) mountain: that one he did not burn over. That one the Brâhmans did not cross in former times, thinking, 'it has not been burnt over by Agni Vaisvânara.'</poem>
—Satapatha Brahmnana, transliteration of Kanda I, Adhyâya IV, Brâhmana I, Verse 14[9] —Satapatha Brahmana, translation by Julius Eggeling (1900), Kanda I, Adhyâya IV, Brâhmana I, Verse 14[10]

Keith states that linguistically, the Satapatha Brahmana belongs to the later part of the Brāhmaṇa period of Vedic Sanskrit (8th to 6th centuries BCE, Iron Age India).[11] M. Witzel dates this text to the 7th-6th centuries BCE.[12] Jan N. Bremmer dates it to around 700 BCE.[13] J. Eggeling (translator of the Vājasaneyi mādhyandina recension into English), dates the final version of the textto 300 BCE, although stating some elements 'far older, transmitted orally from unknown antiquity'.[14]

B. N. Narahari Achar also notes several other estimations, such as that of S.B. Dixit, D. Pingree, and N. Achar, in relation to a statement in the text that the Krittikas (the open star cluster Pleiades) never deviate from the east; Dixit's interpretation of this statement to mean that the Krittikas rise exactly in the east, and calculated that the Krittikas were on the celestial equator at about 3000 BCE, is a subject of debate between the named scholars.[15]


Elst (2007): One problem in discussing the astronomical evidence with philologists of the dominant schools of Indo-European linguistics and of ancient Indian history is that by and large, they haven’t mastered the basic concepts of astronomy needed to understand the arguments. An instance of a consequential misunderstanding of astronomy is the paper by Michael Witzel (1999) on the Pleiades/Krttikâ and the Bears. He mentions correctly that the Great Bear was always visible (i.e. with its lowest point still above the horizon) at the Delhi latitude during the Vedic period, but that larger and larger parts of it would rise above and set below the horizon as the observer moves south from Delhi. So far, so good. But further down, he incorrectly asserts just the opposite: “During the Indo-Iranian period, the ‘bears’ (rksâh) were not, of course, always visible in the night sky and rise from a partial position below the horizon, especially if we think of a BMAC [Bactria-Margiana Archaeological Complex] or of a still more northern location. That would not be possible even for most of the Panjab, and is only possible south of Delhi, below ca. 30° N.” The whole discussion is an erroneous one, as the position of the Great Bear is essentially the same for the Delhi area ca. 2900 BC and the Bactria-to-Panjab area in the 2 nd millennium BC, the competing locations for the composition of the Vedas in this debate, viz. it is in each case circumpolar, with its whole daily cycle visible above the horizon (in Delhi, the constellation started to disappear partly under the horizon only in the 1 st millennium BC, as shown by Achar 2000/1). So references to the Bear stars that “rise” (udyanti) in the north must in any case be interpreted in a sense compatible with this fact, without consequence whatsoever for the choice of time and place of the Vedic passages in question. Moreover, Witzel’s statement seems garbled, perhaps the result of careless writing and then failing to notice during the editing. The first sentence would have been right if we move the words around a bit: “During the Indo-Iranian period, the ‘bears’ (rksâh) were, of course, always visible in the night sky and [did] not rise from a partial position below the horizon, especially if we think of a BMAC or of a still more northern location.” Unfortunately, that is incompatible with the second sentence: “That would not be possible even for most of the Panjab, and is only possible south of Delhi, below ca. 30° N.” What is possible down south is precisely that the Great Bear does rise and set, hiding below the horizon part of the time, partly or wholly. So, back to his original first sentence: “During the Indo-Iranian period, the ‘bears’ (rksâh) were not, of course, always visible in the night sky and [they did (?)] rise from a partial position below the horizon, especially if we think of a BMAC or of a still more northern location.” But that statement is simply untrue. Witzel usually locates the Indo- Iranian ancestors of the Vedic people in Bactria, 37°N, or even more north (coming from Russia, remember). At those latitudes, the Great Bear was above the horizon at all times under consideration as dates of the Vedas, contrary to what Witzel claims here. By contrast, the phrase “always visible in the night sky” does not apply to more southerly regions, such as those south of Delhi, again contrary to what he says. The closer you get to the equator, the more stars rise and set. At the equator, all stars rise and set and are above the horizon exactly half the time, with the Pole Star staying near the horizon. At the poles, no stars ever rise or set (except due to their own movement, unrelated to the earth's motions, over months or years in the case of planets, and over thousands or millions of years in the case of fixed stars), with the equatorial stars all remaining at the horizon. The argument about the dependence of the Great Bear's seeming motion on the observer's latitude is important within the invasionist hypothesis that the Vedic poets (and likewise later even the astronomer Lagadha who wrote the Vedanga Jyotisha) retained descriptions of astronomical sightings from their ancestors, in this case about the rising and setting of the Great Bear. This means that on the one hand, they declaimed ancestral observations which they themselves had never seen; and on the other, they refrained from describing the actual observations of their own eyes. This reasoning, used by the AIT school at different points in this debate, looks like just the kind of special pleading against which Occam's Razor must be applied. Witzel also leans heavily on David Pingree (1978), whose argument against the astronomical chronology, at least the way Witzel presents it, turns out to be surprisingly weak. Thus, on Krttikâ’s “never swerving from the east” (Shatapatha Brâhmana 2:1:2:3), he is cited as stating that except for Krttikâ, there were also other constellations on the equator, likewise rising due east. Yes, but of those, only two were also on the ecliptic, one at the vernal and the other at the autumnal end. And of course, it doesn’t invalidate that the Pleiades asterism, too, was on the equator, and this was the case around 2400 BC, not in 800 BC when conventional scholarship assumes the Shatapatha Brahmana was written. It also so happens that Krttika stood out as a favourite marker of the new year cycle in other cultures such as the Chinese, whose calendar correspondingly opens in 2697 BC. The fact that the Maori have reportedly also preserved it as the beginning of their year cycle may be a case of anachronism, but only in the sense that they stuck to this starting asterism after it moved away from the equator. There is no Maori text where the Pleiades are located due east at a time when this didn’t correspond with reality anymore, as is here alleged of the Shatapatha Brahmana authors. In this connection, Witzel proposes an unsuspected implication (every opponent should admit that he uses his erudite brain very resourcefully and creatively) of the Shatapatha Brahmana’s interest in the positions of both Krttika and the Great Bear. About the latter, then commonly called Saptarsi, “the Seven Seers”, the book (, and reportedly also the Taittiriya Aranyaka 1.11.2) says that it was “formerly called Rksâh”, “the Bears”, an imagery preserved in Greek, Latin and Germanic names of the constellation and clearly dating back to Proto-Indo-European times. “So, why can the Shatapatha Brahmana authors not have transmitted another piece of traditional knowledge, that about the exact rising point of the Krttikâ-s,-- astronomical lore that dates back to the third millennium BCE?” This is intended as a rhetorical poser, but in fact there is a straight answer to it: because the snippet of knowledge about the old name of the Bear is a lexicographical anecdote, the kind used by schoolmasters to enliven their dry lessons a bit, whereas that about the position of the Pleiades forms part of a specific astronomical instruction for practical use, viz. where the priest should orient his ritual paraphernalia before starting the sacrifice. The first type can be repeated verbatim after having collected dust for centuries, but the second has to be checked against actually observed reality. Another instance of failing comprehension of astronomy is that Witzel misunderstands the term heliacal rising: “That means the Pleiades were rising in the east at nightfall at fall equinox, while the sun rises against their background at the spring equinox (heliacal rising at vernal equinox).” When “the Pleiades were rising in the east at nightfall at fall equinox”, i.e. in opposition to the setting sun, it means the sun was at 0° Libra (autumnal equinox) and the Pleiades at 0° Aries (the spring equinox point), and the Pleiades were visible all night long, setting again when the sun rose at the next daybreak. It does indeed follow that six months later, at spring equinox, “the sun rises against their background”, or as they say: the sun is in conjunction with the Pleiades, making them invisible. However, that is not the meaning of “heliacal rising”. This term refers to the moment when a star becomes visible again after having been in conjunction with the sun and hence invisible. In practice, this means you can see the star rise in the east just before dawn and just before the stars become invisible under the powerful daylight. Exactly how many days after the conjunction with the sun this will happen, depends on several factors including the latitude of the observer, but it should be at least two weeks or about 15°. This means that the Pleiades at 0° Aries were conjunct the sun on 21 March but didn’t have their heliacal rising before ca. 5 April at the earliest, with the sun at ca. 15° Aries, more than two weeks after the vernal equinox. Witzel also believes that chronological and geographical conclusions can be drawn from the fact that some of the names of the Krttika stars “are connected with rain, e.g. Abharayanti, Meghayanti, Varshayanti,-- which fits very well the location” of Vedic but post- Rg-Vedic literature in Haryana-Delhi-UP, “where the rainy season only starts in mid-July (...) ca. 1000 BCE”, but would make no sense for Harappa in 2900 BC. He seems to see a connection between the Pleiades and the onset of the Monsoon, similar to that between Sirius and the flooding of the Nile in Pharaonic (but no longer in today’s) Egypt, which can be used as a chronological marker in precessional terms, cfr. infra. Yet, this is not the case for any time of Vedic composition seriously proposed by any party to the debate. I have as yet no explanation why these stars have rain-connected names, but it cannot be due to any of the various possible positions where the Pleiades could have “marked” the time of the year just before or at the start of the Delhi Monsoon, i.e. when the sun is in tropical Cancer. They would rise in opposition to the sun (i.e. at sunset) in Capricorn, i.e. some 8000 BC. They would be in heliacal rising (end of Gemini) ca. 3500 AD. And they would rise in conjunction with the sun (at sunrise, invisible) in Cancer, i.e. towards 5000 AD. So, none of these are relevant to the present debate, and Witzel doesn’t seem to realize it. No big deal, he’s a great philologist, but he should understand that his astronomical reasoning isn’t helping his cause. Elst (2007)

Content and Recensions[edit]

According to the Indira Gandhi National Centre for the Arts (IGNCA), the Satapatha Brahmana survives in two recensions:[16]

Divisions Madhyandina Recension Kanva Recension
Kāṇḍas 14 17
Adhyāyas 100 104
Prapathakas 68 -
Brahmanas 436 435
Kandikas 7179 6806
The Madhyandina recension is known as the Vājasaneyi mādhyandina śākhā, and is ascribed to Yājñavalkya Vājasaneya.

The Kanva recension is known as the Kāṇva śākhā, and is ascribed to Samkara[17]

The 14 books of the Madhyandina recension can be divided into two major parts. The first 9 books have close textual commentaries, often line by line, of the first 18 books of the corresponding samhita of the Śukla (white) Yajurveda. The remaining 5 books of the Satapatha cover supplementary and ritualistically newer material; the content of the 14th and last book constitutes the Bṛhad-Āraṇyaka Upaniṣad. The IGNCA also provides further structural comparison between the recensions, noting that the 'names of the Kandas also vary between the two (versions) and the sequence in which they appear':[16]

Kanda Madhyandina No. Kanva No.
Ekapat 2 1
Haviryajna 1 2
Udhari - 3
Adhvara 3 4
Graha 4 5
Vajapeya - 6
Sava 5 -
Rajasuya - 7
Ukhasambharana 6 8
Hastighata 7 9
Citi 8 10
Sagniciti (Saciti) - 11
Sanciti 9 -
Agnirahasya 10 12
Astadhyayi 11 13
Madhyama 12 14
Asvamedha 13 15
Pravarghya - 16
Brhadaranyaka 14 17

The IGNCA adds that 'the division of Kandika is more rational in the Kanva text than in the other... The name 'Satapatha', as Eggeling has suggested, might have been based on the number of Adhyayas in the Madhyandina which is exactly one hundred. But the Kanva recension, which has one hundred and four Adhyayas is also known by the same name. In Indian tradition words like 'sata' and 'sahasra', indicating numbers, do not always stand for exact numbers'.[16]

Brihadaranayaka Upanishad[edit]

The Brihadaranyaka Upanishad is from the last Kanda (i.e. book 17) of the Kanva recension of the Shatapatha Brahmana. Swami Madhavananda states that this Upanishad is 'the greatest of the Upanishads... not only in extent; but it is also the greatest in respect of its substance and theme. It is the greatest Upanishad in the sense that the illimitable, all-embracing, absolute, self-luminous, blissful reality - the Brhat or Brahman, identical with Atman, constitutes its theme'.[18]

Significance in Science[edit]

File:दर्शपूर्णमास Darshapurnamasa.jpg
Shape of fire altar during full moon-new moon sacrifice.

Geometry and mathematics of the Satapatha Brahmana and the Sulhasutras are generally considered [to be] the description of the earliest science in India... Specifically, the development of the scientific method in India in that age was inspired by some rough parallels between the physical universe and man's physiology [i.e. correspondence or equivalence between the macrocosm and microcosm]. This led to the notion that if one could understand man fully, that would eventually lead to the understanding of the universe... This led to a style of seeking metaphors to describe the unknown, which is the first step in the development of a scientific theory. A philosophy of the scientific method is already sketched in the RgVeda. According to the RgVedic sages, nature has immutable laws and it is knowable by the mind...

— Astronomy of the Satapatha Brahmana by Subhash C. Kak, Indian Journal of History of Science, 28(1), 1993[8]


Kak elaborates that 'the main elements of the astronomy of [the] Vedanga Jyotisa [one of the earliest known Vedic texts on astronomy] are already contained in [the] Satapatha Brahmana and earlier books'. He adds that Vedic ritual sacrifices (yajna) described in texts such as the Shatapatha Brahmana are intended to capture 'time in motion', noting some rituals lasted an entire year.[8]

In relation to sacrifice and astronomical phenomena detailed in texts such as the Satapatha Brahmana (e.g. sacrifices performed during the waxing and waning of the moon), N. Aiyangar states the fact that 'the Vedic people had a celestial [i.e. astronomical] counterpart of their sacrificial ground is clear', and cites an example of the YajnaVaraha sacrifice in relation to the constellation of Orion.[19] Roy elaborates further on this example, stating that when 'the sun became united with Orion at the vernal equinox...[this] commenced the yearly [YajnaVaraha] sacrifice'.[20] The vernal (March) equinox marks the onset of spring, and is celebrated in Indian culture as the Holi festival (the spring festival of colours).

I.G. Pearce states that the Satapatha Brahmana - along with other Vedic texts such as the Vedas, Samhitas, and Tattiriya Samhita - evidences 'the astronomy of the Vedic period which, given very basic measuring devices (in many cases just the naked eye), gave surprisingly accurate values for various astronomical quantities. These include the relative size of the planets the distance of the earth from the sun, the length of the day, and the length of the year'.[21] A.A. Macdonell adds that the Satapatha in particular is notable as - unlike the Samhitas - in it the Earth was 'expressly called circular (parimandala)'.[22][23]


File:ചിതിയുടെയും-ഉപകരണങ്ങളുടെയും മാതൃക.jpg
A miniature replica of the Falcon altar (with yajna utensils) used during Athirathram
File:Domestic fire altar.jpg
Layout of a basic domestic fire altar.

In the construction of fire altars used for sacrifices, Kak also notes the importance of the number, configuration, measurements, and patterns of bricks representing factors such as:[8]

  • Vedic Meters: The rhythmic structure of verses in sacred utterances or mantras, particularly from the RigVeda
  • Area/size and numeric equivalences: Units of time such as Muhurtas, months, seasons, and days; and Vedic numerology, an example being the Falcon altar (see left image), which was constructed from five layers of 200 bricks each, the total 1,000 bricks symbolising the Purusha, the first principle of creation, enumerated in the RigVeda (10.90):

A THOUSAND heads hath Puruṣa, a thousand eyes, a thousand feet. On every side pervading earth he fills a space ten fingers wide.

— Rig Veda (translated by R.T.H. Griffith, 1896), Book 10, Hymn 90, Verse 1[24]

Notably, P. N. Sinha states that the number 1,000 represents 'the thousand Maha yugas of every Kalpa' (about 4.32 billion years), illustrated by the 1,000 hoods of the Naga Vasuki/Ananta on which the Earth is supported.[25] I.G. Pearce, F. Staal, and D.M. Knipe all agree with Kak, repeating that the number, layering, size, and configuration of bricks to construct sacrificial altars - real and symbolic - as detailed in texts such as the Satapatha Brahmana had numerous rules,[21][26] with Staal adding - in relation to similarities with ancient Greek, Babylonian, and Chinese geometry:

Vedic geometry is attached to ritual because it is concerned with the measurement and construction of ritual enclosures [and] of altars... Vedic geometry developed from the construction of these and other complex altar shapes. All are given numerous interpretations in the Brahmanas and Aranyakas [texts relating to the Vedas]... [but the] Sulba Sutras contain the earliest extant verbal expression of the closely related theorem that is still often referred to as the Theorem of Pythagoras but that was independently discovered by the Vedic Indians...

— Discovering the Vedas: Origins, Mantras, Rituals, Insights by Frits Staal, 2008 (pp. 265-267)[27]

Noting that Kak also provides three values for Pi (the ratio of the circumference of a circle to its diameter) from the Satapatha Brahmana, Pearce elaborates on the advancement of Vedic mathematics in general in relation to the construction of sacrificial altars:

<poem>As a result of the mathematics required for the construction of these altars, many rules and developments of geometry are found in Vedic works. These include:

Use of geometric shapes, including triangles, rectangles, squares, trapezia and circles. Equivalence through numbers and area. Equivalence led to the problem of: Squaring the circle and visa-versa. Early forms of Pythagoras theorem.

Estimations for π (pi).</poem>

— Mathematics in the service of religion: I. Vedas and Vedangas, by I.G. Pearce (School of Mathematics and Statistics University of St Andrews, Scotland)[21]

C.S. Seshadri states 'Familiarity with the four fundamental operations of arithmetic is evidence in Vedic Literature like the Satapatha Brahmana, the Taittiriya Samhita and even the Rg-Veda. A passage from the ancient Satapatha Brahmana gives all divisors of 720'.[28] This passage ( is noted by Kak as having 'exactly 15 factors (1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 8, 9, 10, 12, 15, 16, 18, 20, 24)'. The significance of this (including in relation to astronomy) can be seen in the following verses of that passage:

<poem style="font-style:italic;text-align:left" lang="en">pañcadaśātmano'kuruta aṣṭācatvāriṃśadiṣṭakāntsa naiva vyāpnot

ṣoḍaśātmano'kuruta pañcacatvāriṃśadiṣṭakāntsa naiva vyāpnonna saptadaśadhā vyabhavat

aṣṭādaśātmano'kuruta catvāriṃśadiṣṭakāntsa naiva vyāśnonnaikāṃ na viṃśatidhā vyabhavat

viṃśatimātmano'kuruta ṣaṭtriṃśadiṣṭakāntsa naiva vyāpnonnaikaviṃśatidhā vyabhavanna dvāviṃśatidhā na trayoviṃśatidhā

caturviṃśatimātmano'kuruta triṃśadiṣṭakāntso'trātiṣṭhata pañcadaśe vyūhe tadyatpañcadaśe vyūhe'tiṣṭhata tasmātpañcadaśāpūryamāṇasya rūpāṇi pañcadaśāpakṣīyamāṇasya

atha yaccaturviṃśatimātmano'kuruta tasmāccaturviṃśatyardhamāsaḥ saṃvatsaraḥ sa etaiścaturviṃśatyā triṃśadiṣṭakairātmabhirna vyabhavatsa pañcadaśāhno rūpāṇyapaśyadātmanastanvo muhūrtālokampṛṇāḥ pañcadaśaiva rātrestadyanmuhu trāyante tasmānmuhurtā atha yatkṣudrāḥ santa imāṃlokānāpūrayanti tasmāllokampṛṇāḥ</poem>

<poem>He made himself fifteen bodies of forty-eight bricks each: he did not succeed. [15x48=720]

He made himself sixteen bodies of forty-five bricks each: he did not succeed. He did not develop seventeenfold. [16x45=720]

He made himself eighteen bodies of forty bricks each: he did not succeed.He did not develop nineteenfold. [18x40=720]

He made himself twenty bodies of thirty-six bricks each: he did not succeed. He did not develop either twenty-one-fold, or twenty-two-fold, or twenty-three-fold. [20x36=720]

He made himself twenty-four bodies of thirty bricks each. There he stopped, at the fifteenth; and because he stopped at the fifteenth arrangement there are fifteen forms of the waxing, and fifteen of the waning (moon). [24x30=720]

And because he made himself twenty-four bodies, therefore the year consists of twenty-four half-months. With these twenty-four bodies of thirty bricks each he had not developed (sufficiently). He saw the fifteen parts of the day, the muhûrtas,as forms for his body, as space-fillers (Lokamprinâs), as well as fifteen of the night...</poem>

—Satapatha Brahmnana, transliteration of Kanda X, Adhyâya IV, Brahmana II, Verses 13-18[29] —Satapatha Brahmana, translation by Julius Eggeling (1900), Kanda X, Adhyâya IV, Brahmana II, Verses 13-18[30]

Significance in Vaishnavism[edit]

A.A. Macdonell, A.B. Keith, J. Roy, J. Dowson, W.J. Wilkins, S. Ghose, M.L. Varadpande, N Aiyangar, and D.A. Soifer all state that several avatars and associated Puranic legends of Vishnu either originate (e.g. Matsya, Kurma, Varaha, and Narasimha) or at least were significantly developed (e.g. Vamana) in the Satapatha Brahmana (SB).[22][31][20][2][32][33][34][19][35] Notably, all constitute the first five avatars listed in the Dashavatara, the ten principal avatars of Vishnu.


Sofia states ''developments that occur in the general character of Visnu in the Brahmana literature have far-reaching influence on the growth and moulding of avataric Visnu... Probably the single most important development, which is first found in the Brahmanas and exerts the most influence over all other factors, is the identification of Vishnu with the sacrifice'.[35] Vishnu is explicitly stated to be sacrifice repeatedly throughout the Shatapatha Brahmana (e.g. SB,,,,,,,,,, and

Kanda 14, Adhyaya 1, Brahmana 1[edit]

in SB 14.1.1 ('The Pravargya'), the story given is that 'the gods Agni, Indra, Soma, Makha, Vishnu, and the [Visvedevas], except the two Asvins, performed a sacrificial session', which was first attained by Vishnu, hence 'he became the most excellent of the gods'. Upadika ants then agreed with the other gods to gnaw at the bowstring of Vishnu while He rested his head on the Bow, in exchange for the boon to 'find water even in the desert' (as 'all food is water'). The Gharma (hot beverage offered as an oblation)[36] is named after the sound of Vishnu's head hitting the ground (which 'on falling became yonder sun'), and 'inasmuch as he [Vishnu] stretched out (pra-vrig) on the ground, therefrom the Pravargya (took its name)'. The body of Vishnu is encompassed by Indra, who possessed by His glory 'became Makhavat (possessed of makha)'. Vishnu is then divided into three parts, with Agni receiving the first (morning) portion, Indra the second (midday) portion, and the remaining Visvedevas the third portion.[37]


As related in the main article, Kurma, the tortoise avatar of Vishnu, is inextricably linked in the Puranas with the legend of the churning of the Ocean of Milk, referred to as the Samudra manthan. The tortoise avatar is also synonymous with Akupara, the 'world-turtle' supporting the Earth, as well as the Saptarishi sage, Kasyapa. Accounts from the Shatapatha Brahmana are stated by Varadpande to be the seed of Kurma.[34]

Eggeling adds that the 'kapalas [cups used in ritual sacrifices] are usually arranged in such a manner as to produce a fancied resemblance to the (upper) shell of the tortoise, which is a symbol of the sky, as the tortoise itself represents the universe... In the same way the term kapala, in the singular, is occasionally applied to the skull, as well as to the upper and the lower case of the tortoise, e.g. Sat Br. VII, 5, 1, 2 [].'[38]

Kanda 1, Adhyaya 6, Brahmana 2[edit]

<poem style="font-style:italic;text-align:left" lang="en">tercantaḥ śrāmyantaśceruḥ | śrameṇa ha sma vai taddevā jayanti yadeṣāṃvjayyamāsarṣayaśca tebhyo devā vaiva prarocayāṃ cakruḥ svayaṃ vaiva dadhrire pretavtadeṣyāmo yato devāḥ svargaṃ lokaṃ samāśnuvateti te kim prarocate kim prarocata iti ceruretpuroḍāśameva kūrmam bhūtvā sarpantaṃ teha sarva eva menire yaṃ vai yajña iti

te hocuḥ | aśvibhyāṃ tiṣṭha sarasvatyai tiṣṭhendrāya tiṣṭheti sa sasarpaivāgnaye tiṣṭheti tatastasthāvagnaye vāasthāditi tamagnāveva parigṛhya sarvahutamajuhavurāhutirhidevānāṃ tata ebhyo yajñaḥ prārocata tamasṛjanta tamatanvata so 'yam paro 'varaṃ yajño 'nūcyate pitaiva putrāya brahmacāriṇe</poem>

<poem>They went on praising and toiling; for by (religious) toil, the gods indeed gained what they wished to gain, and (so did) the Rishis. Now whether it be that the gods caused it (the sacrifice) to attract (or, peep forth to) them, or whether they took to it of their own accord, they said, 'Come, let us go to the place whence the gods obtained possession of the world of heaven!' They went about saying (to one another), 'What attracts? What attracts?' and came upon the sacrificial cake which had become a tortoise and was creeping about. Then they all thought, 'This surely must be the sacrifice!'

They said, 'Stand still for the Asvins! stand still for Sarasvati! stand still for Indra!' still it crept on;--'Stand still for Agni!' at this it stopped. Having then enveloped it in fire (Agni), knowing, as they did, that it had stopped for Agni, they offered it up entirely, for it was an oblation to the gods. Then the sacrifice pleased them; they produced it, they spread it. And this same sacrifice is taught by the former to the later; the father (teaches it) to his son when he is a student (brahmakârin).</poem>

—Satapatha Brahmnana, transliteration of Kanda I, Adhyâya VI, Brâhmana II, Verses 3-4[39] —Satapatha Brahmana, translation by Julius Eggeling (1900), Kanda I, Adhyâya VI, Brâhmana II, Verses 3-4[40]

Macdonell also notes another instance in the Taittiriya Samhita (2.6.3; relating to the Krishna (Black) YajurVeda), where Prajapati assigns sacrifices for the gods and places the oblation within himself, before Risis arrive at the sacrifice and 'the sacrificial cake (purodasa) is said to become a tortoise'.[41]

Kanda 6, Adhyaya 1, Brahmana 1[edit]

<poem style="font-style:italic;text-align:left" lang="en">so 'yam puruṣaḥ prajāpatirakāmayata bhūyāntsyām prajāyeyeti so 'śrāmyatsa tapo 'tapyata sa śrāntastepāno brahmaiva prathamamasṛjata trayomeva vidyāṃ saivāsmai pratiṣṭhābhavattasmādāhurbrahmāsya sarvasya pratiṣṭheti tasmādanūcya pratitiṣṭhati pratiṣṭhā hyeṣā yadbrahma tasyām pratiṣṭhāyām pratiṣṭhito 'tapyata

so 'po 'sṛjata | vāca eva lokādvāgevāsya sāsṛjyata sedaṃ sarvamāpnodyadidaṃ kiṃ ca yadāpnottasmādāpo yadavṛṇottasmādvāḥ

so 'kāmayata | ābhyo 'dbhyo 'dhi prajāyeyeti so 'nayā trayyā vidyayā sahāpaḥ prāviśattata āṇḍaṃ samavartata tadabhyamṛśadastvityastu bhūyo 'stvityeva tadabravīttato brahmaiva prathamamasṛjyata trayyeva vidyā tasmādāhurbrahmāsya sarvasya prathamajamityapi hi tasmātpuruṣādbrahmaiva pūrvamasṛjyata tadasya tanmukhamevāsṛjyata tasmādanūcānamāhuragnikalpa iti mukhaṃ hyetadagneryadbrahma...

so 'kāmayata | ābhyo 'dyo 'dhīmām prajanayeyamiti tāṃ saṃkśyāpsu prāvidhyattasyai yaḥ parāṅ raso 'tyakṣaratsa kūrmo 'bhavadatha yadūrdhvamudaukṣyatedaṃ tadyadidamūrdhvamadbhyo 'dhi jāyate seyaṃ sarvāpa evānuvyaittadidamekameva rūpaṃ samadṛśyatāpa eva</poem>

<poem>Now this Person Pragâpati desired, 'May I be more (than one), may I be reproduced!' He toiled, he practised austerity. Being worn out with toil and austerity, he created first of all the Brahman (neut.), the triple science. It became to him a foundation: hence they say, 'the Brahman (Veda) is the foundation of everything here.' Wherefore, having studied (the Veda) one rests on a foundation; for this, to wit, the Veda, is his foundation. Resting on that foundation, he (again) practised austerity.

He created the waters out of Vâk (speech, that is) the world; for speech belonged to it: that was created (set free). It pervaded everything here; and because it pervaded (âp) whatsoever there was here, therefore (it is called) water (âpah); and because it covered (var), therefore also it (is called) water (vâr).

He desired, 'May I be reproduced from these waters!' He entered the waters with that triple science. Thence an egg arose. He touched it. 'Let it exist! let it exist and multiply!' so he said. From it the Brahman (neut.) was first created, the triple science. Hence they say, 'The Brahman (n.) is the first-born of this All.' For even before that Person the Brahman was created: it was created as his mouth. Hence they say of him who has studied the Veda, that 'he is like Agni;' for it, the Brahman (Veda), is Agni's mouth...

He desired, 'May I generate, this (earth) from these waters!' He compressed it and threw it into the water. The juice which flowed from it became a tortoise; and that which was spirted upwards (became) what is produced above here over the wafers. This whole (earth) dissolved itself all over the water: all this (universe) appeared as one form only, namely, water.</poem>

—Satapatha Brahmnana, transliteration of Kanda VI, Adhyâya I, Brâhmana I, Verses 8-10 and 12[42] —Satapatha Brahmana, translation by Julius Eggeling (1900), Kanda VI, Adhyâya I, Brâhmana I, Verses 8-10 and 12[43]

Vak (speech) is female (e.g. SB,,, Used in ritual sacrifices, so is the sacrificial altar (Vedi; SB,, the spade (abhri; SB,,,; see section on Varaha, below), and the firepan (ukha; SB The (generative) principle of gender (i.e. male and female coupling to produce something) is pervasive throughout (as reflected by the Sanskrit language itself).

Kanda 7, Adhyaya 5, Brahmana 1[edit]

<poem style="font-style:italic;text-align:left" lang="en">kūrmamupadadhāti | raso vai kūrmo rasamevaitadupadadhāti yo vai sa eṣāṃ lokānāmapsu praviddhānām parāṅraso 'tyakṣaratsa eṣa kūrmastamevaitadupadadhāti yāvānu vai rasastāvānātmā sa eṣa ima eva lokāḥ

tasya yadadharaṃ kapālam | ayaṃ sa lokastatpratiṣṭhitamiva bhavati pratiṣṭhita iva hyayaṃ loko 'tha yaduttaraṃ sā dyaustadbyavagṛhītāntamiva bhavati vyavagṛhītānteva hi dyauratha yadantarā tadantarikṣaṃ sa eṣa ima eva lokā imānevaitallokānupadadhāti...

sa yaḥ kūrmo 'sau sa ādityo | 'mumevaitadādityamupadadhāti taṃ purastātpratyañcamupadadhātyamuṃ tadādityam purastātpratyañcaṃ dadhāti tasmādasāvādityaḥ purastātpratyaṅ dhīyate dakṣiṇato 'ṣāḍhāyai vṛṣā vai kūrmo yoṣāṣāḍhā dakṣiṇato vai vṛṣā yoṣāmupaśete 'ratnimātre 'ratnimātrāddhi vṛṣā yoṣāmupaśete saiṣā sarvāsāmiṣṭakānām mahiṣī yadaṣāḍhaitasyai dakṣiṇataḥ santsarvāsāmiṣṭakānāṃ dakṣiṇato bhavati</poem>

<poem>He then puts down a (living) tortoise;--the tortoise means life-sap: it is life-sap (blood) he thus bestows on (Agni). This tortoise is that life-sap of these worlds which flowed away from them when plunged into the waters: that (life-sap) he now bestows on (Agni). As far as the life-sap extends, so far the body extends: that (tortoise) thus is these worlds.

That lower shell of it is this (terrestrial) world; it is, as it were, fixed; for fixed, as it were, is this (earth-)world. And that upper shell of it is yonder sky; it has its ends, as it were, bent down; for yonder sky has its ends, as it were, bent down. And what is between (the shells) is the air;--that (tortoise) thus is these worlds: it is these worlds he thus lays down (to form part of the altar)...

And as to its being called 'kûrma' (tortoise); Prajapati, having assumed that form, created living beings. Now what he created, he made; and inasmuch as he made (kar), he is (called) 'kûrma;' and 'kûrma' being (the same as) 'kasyapa' (a tortoise), therefore all creatures are said to be descended from Kasyapa. Now this tortoise is the same as yonder sun: it is yonder sun he thus lays down (on the altar)... On the right (south) of the Ashâdhâ [Altar Brick] (he places it), for the tortoise (kûrma, masc.) is a male, and the Ashâdhâ a female...</poem>

—Satapatha Brahmnana, transliteration of Kanda VII, Adhyâya V, Brâhmana I, Verses 1-2 and 6[44] —Satapatha Brahmana, translation by Julius Eggeling (1900), Kanda VII, Adhyâya V, Brâhmana I, Verses 1-2 and 6[45]

Originally a form of Prajapati, the creator-god, the tortoise is thus clearly and directly linked with Vedic ritual sacrifice, the sun, and with Kasyapa as a creator (or progenitor). The tortoise is also stated to represent the three worlds (i.e. the triloka). SB states 'Pragapati (the lord of generation) represents productiveness... the male means productiveness'. SB 14.1.1, which relates the story of Vishnu becoming the greatest of the gods at a sacrifice of the gods before being decapitated by His bow, states the head of Vishnu became the sun when it fell.


As related in the main article, Matsya, the fish avatar of Vishnu, appears to Manu to warn him of an impending deluge. After being reared by and growing to an enormous size, Matsya then guides Manu's ship to safety at the peak of a mountain, where Manu re-establishes life through the performance of Vedic sacrificial rites (yajna). In Puranic accounts, Matsya also rescues the Vedas taken under the water, after they were stolen from Brahma by the Asura called Hayagriva (not to be confused with Hayagriva, the horse-headed avatar of Vishnu).[46] From the Shatapatha Brahmana:

<poem style="font-style:italic;text-align:left" lang="en">manave ha vai prātaḥ | avanegyamudakamājahruryathedam pāṇibhyāmavanejanāyāharantyevaṃ tasyāvanenijānasya matsyaḥ pāṇī āpede

sa hāsmai vācamuvāda | bibhṛhi mā pārayiṣyāmi tveti kasmānmā pārayiṣyasītyaugha imāḥ sarvāḥ prajā nirvoḍhā tatastvā pārayitāsmīti kathaṃ te bhṛtiriti

sa hovāca | yāvadvai kṣullakā bhavāmo bahvī vai nastāvannāṣṭrā bhavatyuta matsya eva matsyaṃ gilati kumbhyām māgre bibharāsi sa yadā tāmativardhā atha karṣūṃ khātvā tasyām mā bibharāsi sa yadā tāmativardhā atha mā samudramabhyavaharāsi tarhi vā atināṣṭro bhavitāsmīti

śaśvaddha kaṣa āsa | sa hi jyeṣṭhaṃ vardhate 'thetithīṃ samāṃ tadaugha āgantā tanmā nāvamupakalpyopāsāsai sa augha utthite nāvamāpadyāsai tatastvā pārayitāsmīti</poem>

<poem>In the morning they brought to Manu water for washing, just as now also they (are wont to) bring (water) for washing the hands. When he was washing himself, a fish came into his hands.

It spake to him the word, 'Rear me, I will save thee!' 'Wherefrom wilt thou save me?' 'A flood will carry away all these creatures: from that I will save thee!' 'How am I to rear thee?'

It said, 'As long as we are small, there is great destruction for us: fish devours fish. Thou wilt first keep me in a jar. When I outgrow that, thou wilt dig a pit and keep me in it. When I outgrow that, thou wilt take me down to the sea, for then I shall be beyond destruction.'

It soon became a ghasha (a large fish); for that grows largest (of all fish). Thereupon it said, 'In such and such a year that flood will come. Thou shalt then attend to me (i.e. to my advice) by preparing a ship; and when the flood has risen thou shalt enter into the ship, and I will save thee from it.'</poem>

—Satapatha Brahmnana, transliteration of Kanda I, Adhyaya VIII, Brahmana I ('The Ida'), Verses 1-4[47] —Satapatha Brahmana, translation by Julius Eggeling (1900), Kanda I, Adhyaya VIII, Brahmana I ('The Ida'), Verses 1-4[48]

Aiyangar explains that, in relation to the RigVeda, 'Sacrifice is metaphorically called [a] Ship and as Manu means man, the thinker, [so] the story seems to be a parable of the Ship of Sacrifice being the means for man's crossing the seas of his duritas, [meaning his] sins, and troubles'.[19] SB also mentions King Matsya Sammada, whose 'people are the water-dwellers... both fish and fishermen... it is these he instructs; - 'the Itihasa is the Veda'.'


As related in the main article, Narasimha destroyed the Asura-King Hiranyakashipu, who after undertaking severe penances, was granted a boon by Brahma that he could not be killed inside or outside any residence, on the ground or in the sky, or by any god, human, animal, or weapon. The man-lion avatar of Vishnu thus put the demon on His lap and killed him with claws. This concept is similar to that found in the Shatapatha brahmana (Sanskrit transliteration for Kanda XII is not available):

By means of the Surâ-liquor Namuki, the Asura, carried off Indra's (source of) strength, the essence of food, the Soma-drink. He (Indra) hasted up to the Asvins and Sarasvatî, crying, 'I have sworn to Namuki, saying, "I will slay thee neither by day nor by night, neither with staff nor with bow, neither with the palm of my hand nor with the fist, neither with the dry nor with the moist!" and yet has he taken these things from me: seek ye to bring me back these things!

— Satapatha Brahmana, translated by Julius Eggeling (1900), Kanda XII, Adhyaya VII, Brahmana III, Verse 1[49]

D.A. Soifer states that 'Brahmana literature yields what must be considered as the prototype of that [Narasimha] myth, the Indra-Namuchi [or Namuki] myth', adding that other academics such as Devasthali concur that although elements of the Namuchi legend are 'scattered throughout Brahmana literature (cf. VS [Vajaseneyi Samhita] 10.34; PB [Pancavimsa Brahmana] 12.6.8, MS [Maitrayani Samhita] IV.34; TB [Taittiriya Brahmana]', the fullest version is in the Satapatha Brahmana.[35] Indra defeating Namuchi itself originates from the RigVeda (e.g. 10.73):

tvaṃ cakartha manave syonān patho devatrāñjasevayānān ||</poem>

<poem>War-loving Namuci thou smotest, robbing the Dāsa of his magic for the Ṛṣi.

For man thou madest ready pleasant pathways, paths leading as it were directly God-ward.</poem>

—RigVeda transliteration of Book 10, Hymn 73, Verse 7[50] —RigVeda translation by Ralph T.H. Griffith (1896) of Book 10, Hymn 73, Verse 7[51]


As related in the main article, Vamana, the dwarf avatar of Vishnu, took back the three worlds from the Asura king Bali (grandson of Prahlada, saved from his father, Hiranyakashipu, by the Narasimha avatar) in three steps.

Kanda I, Adhyaya 2, Brahmana 5[edit]

<poem style="font-style:italic;text-align:left" lang="en">devāśca vā asurāśca | ubhaye prājāpatyāḥ paspṛdhire tato devā anuvyamivāsuratha hāsurā menire 'smākamevedaṃ khalu bhuvanamiti

te hocuḥ | hantemām pṛthivīṃ vibhajāmahai tāṃ vibhajyopajīvāmeti tāmaukṣṇaiścarmabhiḥ paścātprāñco vibhajamānā abhīyuḥ

tadvai devāḥ śuśruvuḥ | vibhajante ha vā imāmasurāḥ pṛthivīm preta tadeṣyāmo yatremāmasurā vibhajante ke tataḥ syāma yadasyai na bhajemahīti te yajñameva viṣṇum puraskṛtyeyuḥ

te hocuḥ | anu no 'syām pṛthivyāmābhajatāstveva no 'pyasyām bhāga iti te hāsurā asūyanta ivocuryāvadevaiṣa viṣnurabhiśete tāvadvo dadma iti

vāmano ha viṣnurāsa | taddevā na jihīḍire mahadvai no 'durye no yajñasaṃmitamaduriti</poem>

<poem>The gods and the Asuras, both of them sprung from Prajapati, were contending for superiority. Then the gods were worsted, and the Asuras thought: 'To us alone assuredly belongs this world!

They thereupon said: 'Well then, let us divide this world between us; and having divided it, let us subsist thereon!' They accordingly set about dividing it with ox-hides from west to east.

The gods then heard of this, and said: 'The Asuras are actually dividing this earth: come, let us go to where the Asuras are dividing it. For what would become of us, if we were to get no share in it?' Placing Vishnu, (in the shape of) this very sacrifice, at their head, they went (to the Asuras).

They then said: 'Let us share in this earth along with yourselves! Let a part of it be ours!' The Asuras replied rather grudgingly: 'As much as this Vishnu lies upon, and no more, we give you!'

Now Vishnu was a dwarf. The gods, however, were not offended at this, but said: 'Much indeed they gave us, who gave us what is equal in size to the sacrifice.'</poem>

—Satapatha Brahmnana, transliteration of Kanda I, Adhyaya II, Brahmana V, Verses 1-5[52] —Satapatha Brahmana, translation by Julius Eggeling (1900), Kanda I, Adhyaya II, Brahmana V, Verses 1-5[53]

Eggeling notes that in the Shatapatha Brahmana, 'we have here the germ [i.e. origin] of the Dwarf incarnation of Vishnu'.[54] The difference in this account - aside from no mention of Bali - is that instead of gaining the earth by footsteps, it is gained by as much as Vamana can lie upon as a sacrifice. That this legend developed into Vamana taking three steps, as noted by Aiyangar, originates from the three strides of Vishnu covering the three words in the RigVeda (1.22 and 1.154).[19][55][56] Notably, the three steps of Vishnu are mentioned throughout the Satapatha Brahmana as part of the sacrificial rituals described (e.g. SB,, and

Kanda 6, Adhyaya 7, Brahmana 4[edit]

SB also explains why the strides of Vishnu are performed in rituals:

<poem style="font-style:italic;text-align:left" lang="en">sa vai viṣṇukramānkrāntvā | atha tadānīmeva vātsapreṇopatiṣṭhate yathā prayāyātha tadānīmeva vimuñcettādṛktaddevānāṃ vai vidhāmanu manuṣyāstasmādu hedamuta mānuṣo grāmaḥ prayāyātha tadānīmevāvasyati</poem> <poem>And, again, why the Vishnu-strides and the Vâtsapra rite are (performed). By the Vishnu-strides Prajapati drove up to heaven. He saw that unyoking-place, the Vâtsapra, and unyoked thereat to prevent chafing; for when the yoked (beast) is not unloosed, it is chafed. In like manner the Sacrificer drives up to heaven by the Vishnu-strides; and unyokes by means of the Vâtsapra.</poem>
—Satapatha Brahmnana, transliteration of Kanda VI, Adhyaya VII, Brahmana IV, Verse 8[57] —Satapatha Brahmana, translation by Julius Eggeling (1900), Kanda VI, Adhyaya VII, Brahmana IV, Verse 8[58]


As related in the main article, Varaha - also referred to as Yajna-Varaha ('sacrificial boar') - is in Puranic literature explicitly stated to be the symbolic embodiment of sacrifice (including the ritual equipment, offerings, oblations, and altars used). Stated in the Nirukta to be synonymous with clouds and rain (sacrifice produces rain, rain feeds crops, and crops feed living beings),[59] Varaha is most commonly associated with the legend of lifting the Earth out of the Cosmic Waters, and in various accounts also battles and defeats the Asura Hiranyaksa to do so.

Kanda 14, Adhyaya 1, Brahmana 2[edit]

<poem style="font-style:italic;text-align:left" lang="en">

atha varāhavihatam iyatyagra āsīditīyatī ha vā iyamagre pṛthivyāsa prādeśamātrī tāmemūṣa iti varāha ujjaghāna so'syāḥ patiḥ prajāpatistenaivainametanmithunena priyeṇa dhāmnā samardhayati kṛtsnaṃ karoti makhasya te'dya śiro rādhyāsaṃ devayajane pṛthivyā makhāya tvā makhasya tvā śīrṣṇa ityasāveva bandhuḥ </poem>

<poem>Then (earth) torn up by a boar (he takes), with 'Only thus large was she in the beginning,'--for, indeed, only so large was this earth in the beginning, of the size of a span. A boar, called Emûsha, raised her up, and he was her lord Prajapati: with that mate, his heart's delight, he thus supplies and completes him;--'may I this day compass for you Makha's head on the Earth's place of divine worship: for Makha thee! for Makha's head thee!'</poem>
—Satapatha Brahmnana, transliteration of Kanda XIV, Adhyaya I, Brahmana II ('The making of the pot'), Verse 11[60] —Satapatha Brahmana, translation by Julius Eggeling (1900), Kanda XIV, Adhyaya I, Brahmana II ('The making of the pot'), Verse 11[61]

The context of this verse is in relation to a Pravargya ritual, where clay/earth is dug up, fashioned or 'spread out' into Mahâvîra pots (symbolising the head of Vishnu), and baked in a fire altar (an explanation of Vishnu's decapitation relating to this ritual is given in SB 14.1.1). S. Ghose states that the 'first direct idea of the boar as an incarnation of Vishnu performing the specific task of rescuing the earth is mentioned in the Satapatha Brahmana... the nucleus of the story of the god rescuing the earth in the boar-shape is found here'.[33] A.B. Keith states that the boar 'is called Emusa [or 'Emûsha' in the SB] from its epithet emusa, [meaning] fierce, in the RigVeda'.[62] However, as this name occurs only once in the RigVeda, the ascribed meaning cannot be verified:

<poem>10 All these things Viṣṇu brought, the Lord of ample stride whom thou hadst sent- A hundred buffaloes, a brew of rice and milk: and Indra, slew the ravening [emuṣam] boar [varaha].</poem>

— Rig Veda (translated by R.T.H. Griffith, 1896), Book 8, Hymn 66, Verse 10[63]
<poem style="font-style:roman;text-align:left" lang="">

विश्वेत ता विष्णुराभरदुरुक्रमस्त्वेषितः | शतं महिषान कषीरपाकमोदनं वराहमिन्द्र एमुषम || </poem>

<poem>viśvet tā viṣṇurābharadurukramastveṣitaḥ |

śataṃ mahiṣān kṣīrapākamodanaṃ varāhamindra emuṣam ||</poem>

Rigveda 8.66.10 (Note: the transliteration is incorrectly ascribed to hymn 8.77)[64]

Kanda 5, Adhyaya 4, Brahmana 3[edit]

<poem style="font-style:italic;text-align:left" lang="en">atha vārāhyā upānahā upamuñcate | agnau ha vai devā ghṛtakumbham praveśayāṃ cakrustato varāhaḥ sambabhūva tasmādvarāho meduro ghṛtāddhi sambhūtastasmādvarāhe gāvaḥ saṃjānate svamevaitadrasamabhisaṃjānate tatpaśūnāmevaitadrase pratitiṣṭhati tasmādvārāhyā upānahā upamuñcate

athemām pratyavekṣamāṇo japati | pṛthivi mātarmā mā hiṃsīrmo ahaṃ tvāmiti varuṇāddha vā abhiṣiṣicānātpṛthivī bibhayāṃ cakāra mahadvā ayamabhūdyo 'bhyaṣeci yadvai māyaṃ nāvadṛṇīyāditi varuṇa u ha pṛthivyai bibhayāṃ cakāra yadvai meyaṃ nāvadhūnvīteti tadanayaivaitanmitradheyamakuruta na hi mātā putraṃ hinasti na putro mātaram</poem>

<poem>He then puts on shoes of boar’s skin. Now the gods once put a pot of ghee on the fire. There from a boar was produced: hence the boar is fat for it was produced from ghee. Hence also cows readily take to a boar: it is indeed their own essence (life-sap, blood) they are readily taking to. Thus he firmly establishes himself in the essence of the cattle: therefore he puts on shoes of boar’s skin.

Looking down on this (earth) he then mutters, 'O mother Earth, injure me not, nor I thee!’ For the Earth was once afraid of Varuna, when he had been consecrated, thinking, ‘ Something great surely has he become now that he has been consecrated: I fear lest he may rend me asunder! And Varuna also was afraid of the Earth, thinking, I fear lest she may shake me off ! Hence by that (formula) he entered into a friendly relation with her; for a mother does not injure her son, nor does a son injure his mother.</poem>

—Satapatha Brahmnana, transliteration of Kanda V, Adhyaya IV, Brahmana III, Verses 19-20[65] —Satapatha Brahmana, translation by Julius Eggeling (1900), Kanda V, Adhyaya IV, Brahmana III, Verses 19-20[66]

The form of a boar was produced from a sacrificial oblation of the gods, and boars share the essence of cattle (which symbolise prosperity and sacrifice in SB, and productiveness in Eggeling notes that in this ceremony, the King wears boar-boots to engage in a mock-battle with a Raganya (a Kshatriya noble or royal), stated to be 'Varuna's consecration; and the Earth is afraid of him'. This ritual therefore seems to be significant as the mock-battle between the King (symbolising the boar) and the Raganya (symbolising Varuna, RigVedic deity of water) parallels the battle between Varaha with the Asura Hiranyaksa in various Puranic accounts of the Earth being saved and lifted out of the waters.

Manuscripts and Translations[edit]

All English translations of the Madhyandina School recension are by Julius Eggeling in five volumes. The English translation of the Kanva School recension by W.E. Caland in 3 volumes has not been found or listed; another English translation by the Indira Gandhi National Centre for the Arts (IGNCA) in at least seven volumes has been listed (only the first five volumes can be previewed).

Sanskrit Sanskrit-English Transliteration English
Madhyandina Volume 1, Volume 2, Volume 3, Volume 4, Volume 5, Volume 6, Volume 7 Kanda 1 [archive], Kanda 2 [archive], Kanda 3 [archive], Kanda 4 [archive], Kanda 5 [archive], Kanda 6 [archive], Kanda 7 [archive], Kanda 8 [archive], Kanda 9 [archive], Kanda 10 [archive], Kanda 11 [archive], Kanda 12 (not available), Kanda 13 [archive], Kanda 14 [archive] (unknown author; e-texts; all Sanskrit e-texts are here [archive]). Volume 1, Volume 2, Volume 3, Volume 4, Volume 5 (Part of the Sacred Books of the East; translated by Julius Eggeling) Volume 1 [archive], Volume 2 [archive] Volumes 1-5 [archive] (Hypertext version of the same the Sacred Books of the East version, translated by Julius Eggeling) Kandas 1-14 [archive] (E-text version of the translation by Julius Eggeling, complete with introduction, footnotes, and corrections)
Kanva Kandas 1-16 [archive] (Audio) Adhyayas 1-6 [archive] (and Mula text [archive], extracted from commented version) Google Books: Volume 1 [archive], Volume 2 [archive], Volume 3 [archive], Volume 4 [archive], Volume 5 [archive]; No previews: Volume 6 [archive], Volume 7 [archive] Brihadaranyaka Upanishad (Khanda 17; Swami Madhavananda)

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