|160,000-170,000 (est. living in Kashmir Valley prior to 1990)|
|Regions with significant populations|
(Jammu and Kashmir • National Capital Region • Uttar Pradesh • Himachal Pradesh • Uttarkhand • Haryana • Rajasthan • Punjab)
|Kashmiri and Hindi|
|Related ethnic groups|
|Dards, Hindustani people, Indo-Aryans, Saraswat Brahmins, Indo-Caribbeans, Indo-Caribbean Americans|
The Kashmiri Pandits (also known as Kashmiri Brahmins) are a Shaivite Saraswat Brahmin community from the Kashmir Valley, a mountainous region in the Indian state of Jammu and Kashmir. They are the only remaining Hindu community native to the Kashmir Valley.
- 1 History
- 2 Sub categories
- 3 Recent events
- 4 Population distribution
- 5 Religious beliefs
- 6 Culture
- 7 See also
- 8 References
- 9 Bibliography
- 10 Kashmiri Pandits
- 11 Further reading
- 12 External links
The Hindu caste system of the Kashmir region was influenced by the influx of Buddhism from the time of Asoka, around the third century BCE, and a consequence of this was that the traditional lines of varna were blurred, with the exception of that for the Brahmins, who remained aloof from the changes. Another notable feature of early Kashmiri society was the relative high regard in which women were held when compared to their position in other communities of the period.A historically contested region, Northern India was subject to attack from Turkic and Arab regimes from the eighth century onwards, but they generally ignored the mountain-circled Kashmir Valley in favour of easier pickings elsewhere. It was not until the fourteenth century that Muslim rule was finally established in the Valley and when this happened it did not occur primarily as a consequence of invasion so much as because of internal problems resulting from the weak rule and corruption endemic in the Hindu Lohara dynasty. Mohibbul Hasan describes this collapse as
The Dãmaras (feudal chiefs) grew powerful, defied royal authority, and by their constant revolts plunged the country into confusion. Life and property were not safe, agriculture declined, and there were periods when trade came to a standstill. Socially and morally too the court and the country had sunk to the depths of degradations.
The Brahmins had something to be particularly unhappy about during the reign of the last Lohara king, for Sūhadeva chose to include them in his system of onerous taxation, whereas previously they appear to have been exempted.
Zulju, who was probably a Mongol from Turkistan, wreaked devastation in 1320, when he commanded a force that conquered many regions of the Kashmir Valley. However, Zulju was probably not a Muslim. The actions of Sultan Sikandar Butshikan (1389–1413), the seventh Muslim ruler in Kashmir were also significant to the area. The Sultan has been referred to as an iconoclast because of his destruction of many non-Muslim religious symbols and the manner in which he forced the population to convert or flee. Many followers of the traditional religions who did not convert to Islam instead migrated to other parts of India. The migrants included some Pandits, although it is possible that some of this community relocated for economic reasons as much as to escape the new rulers. Brahmins were at that time generally being offered grants of land in other areas by rulers seeking to utilise the traditionally high literacy and general education of the community, as well as the legitimacy conferred upon them by association. The outcome of this shift both in population and in religion was that the Kashmir Valley became a predominantly Muslim region.
Butshikan's heir, the devout Muslim Zain-ul-Abidin (1423–74), was tolerant of Hindus to the extent of sanctioning a return to Hinduism of those who had been forcibly converted to the Muslim faith, as well as becoming involved in the restoration of temples. He respected the learning of these Pandits, to whom he gave land as well as encouraging those who had left to return. He operated a meritocracy and both Brahmins and Buddhists were among his closest advisors.
Akbar conquered Kashmir in 1587 AD. During his mughal rule the Hindus enjoyed security of person and property and were allotted high government posts. It was he, who, pleased with their intelligence, gave them the surname Pandit. The Mughals rule was followed by that of Afghans. Gradually, many Kashmiris converted to Islam, leaving smaller population of Kashmiri Pandits who still practiced the Shaivite religion. Not much was done to win back the converts to Hinduism. The majority, though still remained Hindus in Jammu and Kashmir.
The Brahmin Pandits of Kashmir established themselves in the Northern area of India, first in the Rajput and Mughal courts and then in the service of the Dogra rulers of Kashmir. This cohesive community, highly literate and socially elite, were one of the first to discuss and implement social reforms.
The society of Kashmiri Pandits is divided mainly into following sub categories: Banmasi who had initially migrated from the valley during the rule of Muslim kings and later returned and Malmasi who stayed back in valley despite all odds. Both categories had different customs and traditions. Later, the Pandits who started doing business were categorised as Buhirs. The difference between categories has faded due to mass migration from valley-1989 onwards. 
Exodus from Kashmir (1985–1995)
The Kashmiri Pandits had been a favoured section of the population of the valley during Dogra rule (1846–1947). 20 per cent of them left the valley as a consequence of the 1948 Muslim riots and the 1950 land reforms, and by 1981 the Pandit population amounted to 5 per cent of the total.
They began to leave in much greater numbers in the 1990s during the eruption of militancy, following persecution and threats by radical Islamists and militants. The events of 19 January 1990 were particularly vicious. On that day, mosques issued declarations that the Kashmiri Pandits were Kafirs and that the males had to leave Kashmir, convert to Islam or be killed. Those who chose to the first of these were told to leave their women behind. The Kashmiri Muslims were instructed to identify Pandit homes so they could be systematically targeted for conversion or killing.
According to a number of authors, approximately 100,000 of the total Kashmiri Pandit population of 140,000 left the valley during the 1990s. Other authors have suggested a higher figure for the exodus, ranging from the entire population of over 150,000, to 190,000 of a total Pandit population of 200,000, to a number as high as 800,000. The nature of the planned exodus has remain controversial, with the involvement of then Governor Jagmohan in organizing a clandestine exodus been a subject of controversy. Many of the refugee Kashmiri Pandits have been living in abject conditions in refugee camps of Jammu. The government has reported on the terrorist threats to Pandits still living in the Kashmir region.
In 2009 Oregon Legislative Assembly passed a resolution to recognise 14 September 2007, as Martyrs Day to acknowledge ethnic cleansing and campaigns of terror inflicted on non-Muslim minorities of Jammu and Kashmir by terrorists seeking to establish an Islamic state.
In 2010, the Government of Jammu and Kashmir noted that 808 Pandit families, comprising 3,445 people, were still living in the Valley and that financial and other incentives put in place to encourage others to return there had been unsuccessful. According to a J&K government report, 219 members of the community had been killed in the region between 1989 and 2004 but none thereafter. The local organisation of pandits in Kashmir, Kashmir Pandit Sangharsh Samiti after carrying out a survey in 2008 and 2009, said that 399 Kashmiri Pandits were killed by insurgents from 1990 to 2011 with 75% of them being killed during the first year of the Kashmiri insurgency.
The exiled community had hoped to return after the situation improved. They have not done so because the situation in the Valley remains unstable and they fear a risk to their lives.
As of October 2015, only 1 Kashmiri Pandit family returned to the Kashmir valley since 1990 according to the Jammu & Kashmir government despite the financial assistance being given for rehabilitation. As of 2016, a total of 1,800 Kashmiri Pandit youths have returned to the valley since the announcing of Rs. 1,168-crore package in 2008 by the UPA government.
PRC and the JKMIP Acts
The Jammu And Kashmir Migrant Immovable Property (Preservation, Protection And Restraint On Distress Sales) Act, 1997, provides that "Any person who is an unauthorised occupant or recipient of any usufruct of any immovable property of the migrant shall pay to the migrant such compensation for the period of unauthorised occupation and in such a manner as may be determined by the District Magistrate."
Following the migration of the Kashmiri Pandit community, various socio-political organisations have sprung up to represent the cause of the displaced community. The most prominent among these are the All India Kashmiri Samaj or AIKS, All India Kashmiri Pandit conference, Panun Kashmir & Kashmiri Samiti. These organisations are involved in rehabilitation of the community in the valley through peace negotiations, mobilisation of human rights groups and job creation for the Pandits. Panun Kashmir has made demands for a separate homeland for the community in the southern part of Kashmir.
In 1947, the Pandits made up about 6 percent of the Kashmir Valley's population. By 1950, their population declined to 5 per cent as many Pandits moved to other parts of India due to the uncompensated land redistribution policy, the unsettled nature of Kashmir's accession to India and the threat of economic and social decline.
Following the 1989 insurgency, a great majority of Pandits felt threatened and left the Kashmir Valley to other parts of India. A large number settled in the Jammu Division of the State and the National Capital Region of India. Some emigrated to other countries entirely. By 2011, only an estimated 2,700-3,400 Pandits remained in the Kashmir Valley.
According to Indian government, more than 60,000 families are registered as Kashmiri migrants including some Sikh and Muslim families. Most families were resettled in Jammu, NCR and other neighbouring states.
Kashmiri Hindus are all Saraswat Brahmins, known by their exonym of Pandit. The endonym used within the community is Bhatta. Kashmiri Pandits are chiefly followers of Shiva. Their favourite goddess is Kheer Bhawani. The spring of Kheer Bhawani at the mouth of Sind Valley in Kashmir is considered one of their most important and sacred places. Their branch of Shiva worship is known as Kashmir Saivism. The primary tenet of Kashmir Shaivism is that the individual soul is one with the universal spirit, and each person has to experience and discover this for themselves.
Song is an integral part of several Kashmiri Pandit religious ceremonies. This style of choral singing is called Wanvun.
Kshemendra's detailed records from the eleventh century describe many items of which the precise nature is unknown. It is clear that tunics known as kanchuka were worn long-sleeved by men and in both long- and half-sleeved versions by women. Caps were worn, as well as a type of turban referred to as a shirahshata, while footwear consisted of leather shoes and boots, worn with socks. Some items were elaborate, such as the peacock shoes – known as mayuropanah – worn by followers of fashion, and steel-soled shoes adorned with floral designs, lubricated internally with beeswax.
There are many references to the wearing of jewellery by both sexes, but a significant omission from them is any record of the dejihor worn on the ear by women today as a symbol of their being married. Kaw has speculated that this item of jewellery may not have existed at the time. The texts also refer to both sexes using cosmetics, and to the women adopting elaborate hairstyles. Men, too, might adopt stylish arrangements and wear flowers in their hair, if they had the financial means to do so.
Harmukh is traditionally revered by Kashmiri Pandits and in 2009 there was an attempt by them to revive pilgrimages to the site. The Mata Khirbhawani temple shrine in Srinagar, considered one of the holiest Hindu shrines, saw the largest gathering of Kashmiri Pandits in the Kashmir valley in 2012. The shrine is located in Tullamulla village, 24 km from Srinagar in Ganderbal district. Some holy sites of Kashmiri Pandits include the Martand Sun Temple at Mattan, Mahakali shrine in Srinagar on the banks of vitasta, & above all the Amarnath cave shrine, the pilgrimage to which is conducted during shravan purnima.
Sharada Peeth was an important learning seat of Kashmiri Hindus. It is located around 150 km from Muzaffarabad, on the banks of the river Neelum, also called Krishenganga on the Indian side of LoC. Sharda at an altitude of 1931 meters is a breath-taking green spot with numerous springs and hillsides. Shardi and Nardi are two peaks overlooking the valley, named after the legendary princesses Sharda and Narda. The old script of Kashmiri language Sharada has derived its name from this place. The ruins of an ancient buddhist monastery and fort are located here.
The religious festivals of the Brahmins of Kashmir have mostly Vedic roots, with significant Buddhist influence and some Zoroastrian influence as well.[dubious ] The Kashmiri Pandits share many of their festivals with other Hindu Brahmin communities. Shivratri (or Herath as it is known in the Kashmiri language) is one of the major festivals of Kashmiri Pandits. Navreh or the Kashmiri lunar new year is also an important Pandit festival.
- "Kashmir: The Pandit question". Al Jazeera. 1 August 2011. Retrieved 11 January 2017.
One of the chief causes of the ambiguity is because the numbers of Pandits in the valley in 1989 can only be adduced from the census of 1941, the last time the Pandits were counted and listed as distinct from the category of Kashmiri Hindus and that census listed a little fewer than 79,000 Pandits in the valley. It's from this baseline that demographers have sought to work out the number of Kashmir Pandits in the valley in 1990. Using the rough measure of the average decennial growth rate in the state as a whole, available through the censuses up to 1941 and then the 2001 census, the number of Kashmiri Pandits living in the valley before 1990 that they arrive at is about 160,000 to 170,000. So the number of 700,000 as representing the number of Kashmiri Pandit departures after 1989-1990 is not credible because that exceeds by many hundreds of thousands the total of the Kashmiri Pandit population at the time.
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"Above all, we have Swami Amarnath, serene in his cave, up in his mountains, the Pilgrimage to which is an annual feature of Shravana Purnima
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Tej K. Tikoo
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- pt.280-281?: To the gullible people of Kashmir, the abolitionof Article 370 is projected as a catastrophic event that will sound the death knell of Kashmiri Muslim culture, in actual fact, this argument is a ploy to prevent assimilation of Kashmiris into the national mainstream. That way, these power brokers continue to expand their fiefdom, perpetuate their hold on political and economic power and build a communal and obscurantist mindset, which in due course, serves as a breeding ground for creating a separatist mentality. The bogye of threat to the Kashmiri identity that the abolition of Article 370 will pose is merely a ploy to camouflage the political ambitions of the leaders. Actually, these very people cause great damage to Kashmiri culture, as no culture can survive without the stimulus of outside contact and opportunity cross-fertilise. It was this mindset that has been responsible for creating the violent communal upsruge of 1989, which finally led to the exodus of Kashmiri Pandits. One of the main reasons for the failure of the state administration to respond to the anguished cries fo the Kashmiri Pandits to provide them with adequate security in 1998–90, was that the state administration had been completely subverted from within by the radical anti-national elements, who had infilrated into the system over a period fo time. This infiltration had been made possible by the existence of Article 370. "Within the broad framework of the special status envisaged by Article 370, which isolated the state from the rest of India, it was far easy for secessionist elements to infiltrate into the administrative cadres of the goernment."
- pt.281?: One of the worst human tragedies the state faces is the denial of basic democratic and citizenship rights to nearly 600,000 refugees from Pakistan who entered the state at the time of partition or as a result of wars between India and Pakistan, thereafter. These refugees have made the state their home for the last over six decades, yet neither they nor their children can get citizenship rights in the state, as reulst of the applicability of Article 370. They can neither vote nor fight election; they cannot get loans from the state nor seek admissions into various professional colleges of the state.
- pt.281?: Article 370 has also been misuded by political oligarchs to perpetuate their hold on power by preventing various democratic legislations from being applied to the state. Take the case of 'anti-defection law', which is a useful provision for preventing defections. This legislation vests the powers of deciding whether a legislator has defected or not, with the Speaker. However, in J&K, the power has been vested with a party chief, thus turning the leader into a virtual dictator. Article 370 has also been used to deny a fair shae of economic pie to both Ladakh and Jammu region (see chapter 18). Violent agitations that rocked Ladakh in July–September 1989, were the result of th eresentment felt by Ladakhis at being treated unfairly by Kashmiri Muslims, who have a stranglehold on political power in the state. It is ironic that whereas Article 370 provides all the political economic, cultural and other safeguards to Kashmiris, the same provision is misused by Kashmiris to deny thse very safeguards to the people of other regions of the state.
- pt.282?: The citizens of J&K become citizens of India automatically; whereas the citizens of India hvae no such right when it comes to their claiming a similar right in the state. Consequently, the citizens of J&K can own property and settle anywhere in India. On the other hand, Article 370 prevents any Indian from claiming any such right. As early as 1932, Bertrand Glancy, chairman of the grievances committee was compelled to write in his report: "The present definition of State Subject appears to be unduly rigid; domiciles in a state for a thousand years cannot, according to this definition, qualify a man. It would seem both unfair and inexpedient to deny the right to franchise to a man who has so for identified himself with local interests as to make his domicile in the stat eover a consecutive period of five years." Dr BR Ambedkar had forewarned the country on this score in reply to Sheikh Abdullah's demand for a special status in the Constituent Assembly of India. He had said, "YOu want India to defend Kashmir, give Kashmir equal rights over India, but you deny India and Indians all rights in Kashmir. I am Law Minister of India, I cannot be a party to such betrayal of national interests."
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- Kashmiri Overseas Association, Inc. (KOA), USA
- Kashmir Hindu Foundation (KHF)
- Indo-American Kashmir Forum – a U.S. based political advocacy group for the Kashmiri Pandits
- Panun Kashmir: A Homeland for Kashmiri Pandits
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- 'God of Small Things,' Travelogue in The Indian Express, 5 March 2006, by Arjun Razdan
- Kashmiri Pandit association of Europe